Due to school obligations, I was unable to see Condoleezza Rice's testimony to the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States this morning. However, I have since had the opportunity to read the transcript, and there is plenty to say about it. My initial impression is that a lot of good questions and better answers were presented. There was also an unhealthy amount of partisan dreck, notwithstanding the commission's mandate "... to provide a full and complete accounting of the events of 9/11. And that means that we are going to ask some searching and difficult questions.... Our purpose is not to embarrass, it is not to put any witness on the spot. Our purpose is to understand and to inform." (Hamilton, Opening Statement.) I stated before that I agreed that Rice would "mop up the floor with Clarke." Let's see if I was correct.
NOTE: My professors have warned that reading a dry transcript is not the same thing as seeing and hearing testimony, so I will try to interpret the hearing in the light most favorable to the speaker.
The hearing began with some pleasantries, a swearing in, and then Rice's Opening Statement. She began with a statement that sums up America's greatest weakness:
The terrorist threat to our nation did not emerge on September 11, 2001. Long before that day, radical, freedom-hating terrorists declared war on America and on the civilized world. The attack on the Marine barracks in Lebanon in 1983, the hijacking of the Achille Lauro in 1985, the rise of Al Qaeda and the bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993, the attacks on American installations in Saudi Arabia in 1995 and 1996, the East Africa bombings of 1998, the attack on the USS Cole in 2000 -- these and other atrocities were part of a sustained, systematic campaign to spread devastation and chaos and to murder innocent Americans.
The terrorists were at war with us, but we were not yet at war with them. For more than 20 years, the terrorist threat gathered, and America's response across several administrations of both parties was insufficient. Historically, democratic societies have been slow to react to gathering threats, tending instead to wait to confront threats until they are too dangerous to ignore or until it is too late.
Later in the hearing, Rice is questioned about why GWB didn't do more to counter this growing threat. The short answer is that the people of America do not have imperial ambitions, nor did we (prior to 9/11) believe in pre-emptive action. If GWB had not waited "to confront threats until they [were] too dangerous to ignore", he would have committed political suicide. The marches of today would seem like a high-school rally, and before September 11, I may very well have joined them. Of course, that day did happen, and now we have to handle it by changing both our attitudes and our tactics. Hence this:
So the attacks came. A band of vicious terrorists tried to decapitate our government, destroy our financial system and break the spirit of America. And as an officer of government on duty that day, I will never forget the sorrow and the anger that I felt, nor will I forget the courage and resilience of the American people, nor the leadership of the president that day.
Now we have an opportunity and an obligation to move forward together. Bold and comprehensive changes are sometimes only possible in the wake of catastrophic events -- events which create a new consensus that allows us to transcend old ways of thinking and acting.
And just as World War II led to a fundamental reorganization of our national defense structure and the creation of the National Security Council, so has September 11th made possible sweeping changes in the ways we protect our homeland.
Rice closed by saying, "In the aftermath of September 11th, those were the right choices for America to make -- the only choices that can ensure the safety of our nation for decades to come." That's the whole point of the commission, the whole point of the hearings, and the whole point of the War on Terror. We have to decide whether more stringent homeland security, pre-emptive attacks, and regime change in countries that oppose our survival are necessary to ensure our safety. I believe that they are.
To be continued...